Navigating the Complex Terrain: The SCO’s Engagement with Afghanistan and the Taliban’s Quest for Legitimacy

Afghanistan’s place in the world’s politics and economies is a big part of why the SCO is interested in the country. Afghanistan has a long history of working closely with and being connected to most SCO member states. This makes it a good choice for Afghanistan to join the organization. The country is an important part of the partnership because it borders some SCO members and does a lot of business with them. The SCO’s goals of peace and security, economic ties, and connection are likely to be met better now that Afghanistan is a full member.

However, there are concerns and problems with the idea of Afghanistan becoming a full member of the SCO that need to be thought about, especially now that the Taliban are back in power. The main problems that need to be fixed are the acceptance of the Taliban government by the rest of the world and the economic situation in Afghanistan. Because of this, these things make it very hard for the SCO to negotiate with Afghanistan and reach its goals in the area as a whole. Also, SCO member states are adapting to new situations, and China in particular is having a hard time deciding how to deal with Afghanistan. China is a big part of the SCO and is trying to find a balance in its growing power in Eurasia. This is true even though China would rather stay out of Afghan politics. The SCO’s method of deliberation shows the many sides of regional politics and the various goals of its member countries.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) consisting of China, Russia, India, Pakistan and four Central Asian countries is to a large extent hindered in tackling the terrorism threat including the circumstances in Afghanistan. At a recent session, the member states pointed out that they had worries about the growing threat of terrorism from Afghanistan, which demonstrates the multitude and intricacies of the SCO’s perspectives on this issue. Russia and Tajikistan, along with other countries in the region, worry that Afghanistan can become a facilitating ground for terror groups that exist in the region, including al-Qaida and Hizb ut-Tahrir, the Islamic Movement of Eastern Turkistan (IMET), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), TTP, and Jamaat Ansarullah, that can pose serious threats to The most vivid example is provided by Russia, which has been vociferous in its warnings about the heightened risks stating that the latter has strengthened the terrorist groups that are operating within Afghanistan. Another perspective in this regard is one of other Russian officials, and it is validated by incidents like the attack on the Russian Embassy in Kabul, claimed by the Islamic State group, which resulted in the closure of the Russian Diplomatic Mission in Afghanistan.

(AP Photo/Abdul Khaliq, file)

On the other hand, China’s stand on the Taliban and the Afghanistan issue is quite different from the rest. China takes an active approach to the Taliban and strives to get the whole international community to cooperate to make Afghanistan shift from turmoil to order and reach stability and economic progress. The SCO’s diverse positions toward terrorism and the Taliban are evidence of the intricacies of building a single stand about the terrorism issue and Afghanistan, which in turn mirrors wider geopolitical and strategic concerns. Distrust and political sensitivities cause disunity within the SCO, and this is coupled with differences in perceptions of threats, sovereignty concerns, and lack of real trust among the member states. Such lack of unity makes it hard for the SCO to successfully raid terrorism, as the majority of member countries will be engaging the Taliban bilaterally to ensure individual security and as per strategic interests. As a result, the SCO’s function as a regional security platform resolving the threats originating from Afghanistan is inefficient.

The SCO can navigate the complex linkage between regional cooperation and the individual national interests of the member states. Moreover, the problem of terrorism and instability in Afghanistan is likely to remain a pressing issue. However, the SCO is the most important forum for setting up joint discussions and responses to regional security threats. Nevertheless, the effectiveness of the SCO is limited by the increasing disagreements and the different policies of its member states.




How is SCO threatened by the Islamic Fundamentalists in the Eurasian region

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is a Eurasian political, economic, international security and defense organization established by China and Russia in 2001. Currently, eight countries enjoy the status of the SCO full members: India, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Pakistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan; four countries including Afghanistan, Belarus, Iran and Mongolia have an observer status with the SCO, and six countries including Azerbaijan, Armenia, Cambodia, Nepal, Turkey and Sri Lanka have a dialogue partner status. If we take a map of the region where all of there countries are located, it is mostly, in the Asian Region. The Asian region is known to be turbulent, with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism since 9/11, Asia has become prominent in terms of their ground breeding Non state entities such as terrorist organization. With the instability in Afghanistan since 9/11, most the terrorist entities rose out of need to defend their homeland against the American invaders. Due to Pakistan and Afghanistan having parous borders, mostly there would movement of these non-state actors to hide and seek refuge. As there are many historical grievances known among the parties of South Asia, there are assumptions that most of these Islamic fundamentalist groups are funded by neighbors to create instability in the region. These instabilities not only impact the livelihood of these nations, but cost them in terms of restrictions on travel to other countries, sanctions etc.

Now, to understand how SCO is threatened by the role of non-state actors in the region, we have to understand the role of Islamic fundamentalism in the region. The Chinese Sinic order is at the risk of Uighurs Muslims in the Xinjiang regions, as they are at the border with Mongolia to the northeast, Russia to the north, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan to the west, Afghanistan, and Pakistan to the southwest, and India, Nepal, and Bhutan to the south (though directly with India along the disputed border). Any revolt that is experienced in Xinjiang will have a spillover effect. East Turkistan Islamic Movement is a Uighur militant organization operating in the region. Russia also has 1.4 million Muslims living in Chechnya, any type of spillover effect from Islamic fundamentalist activities can potentially risk the stability of the region. Pakistan has Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan operating within its borders, and Afghanistan has Tehreek-e- Taliban Afghanistan and India has Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) in Kashmir. Central Asia has the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan that has managed to spur civil wars and create chaos in the region. It expanded its operations to other countries in the region. Islamic Jihad Union, a splinter group of the IMU, known for its involvement in global jihad and attempts to conduct attacks in Europe and against coalition forces in Afghanistan. Lastly, Hizb ut-Tahrir. Although it claims to be non-violent, this international pan-Islamist and fundamentalist organization calls for the re-establishment of the Caliphate and has been banned in several Central Asian countries due to its radical ideology. These groups threaten the SCO’s stability by promoting radicalization, committing acts of terrorism, and challenging the territorial integrity of member states. Their activities can destabilize the region, affecting not just internal security but also international cooperation and development projects.

The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) plays a crucial role in coordinating efforts to combat terrorism, extremism, and separatism among its member states. Established in 2002, RATS is based in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, and serves as a platform for SCO member countries to share intelligence, coordinate anti-terror activities, and conduct joint military exercises aimed at enhancing their capabilities to tackle non-state actors and terrorist threats. To date, RATS has undertaken a range of activities to counter terrorist organizations within the SCO member states. RATS facilitates the exchange of information on terrorist activities, movements, financing, and other related intelligence among member states. This has been crucial in preempting and preventing terrorist attacks, disrupting terror networks, and arresting individuals involved in terrorism. The SCO, through RATS, organizes regular joint military and counter-terrorism exercises among its member states. These exercises, such as the “Peace Mission” series, are aimed at enhancing the readiness and interoperability of the military and security forces of member states in responding to terrorist threats. Moreover, RATS has been instrumental in the development and implementation of legal frameworks and agreements among SCO member states to combat terrorism. This includes agreements on extradition, mutual legal assistance, and the standardization of laws to prevent terrorism, extremism, and separatism. RATS also organizes workshops, seminars, and training programs for law enforcement and security personnel of SCO member states. These programs focus on enhancing the capabilities of member states in areas such as counter-terrorism financing, border security, cyber security, and the prevention of radicalization. RATS actively seeks to collaborate with other international organizations and regional bodies in the fight against terrorism. This includes working with entities such as the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) Anti-Terrorism Center. As due to the porous border between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and Afghanistan having the reputation for Opium producing fields, it is important arrest these smugglers. As the SCO members are connected through land, through the BRI and other routes, it’s important to safeguard these routes. Moreover, the BRI’s emphasis on connectivity facilitates greater regional cooperation, which can enhance the effectiveness of initiatives like RATS in securing the region from terrorist threats.

The role of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in relation to RATS and the SCO’s counter-terrorism efforts is multifaceted. While primarily an economic project aimed at enhancing connectivity and cooperation across Eurasia, the BRI also has security dimensions. Through infrastructure development and increased regional integration, the BRI seeks to address some of the underlying socio-economic conditions that can contribute to terrorism and extremism. Tackling the threats posed by non-state actors and terrorist organizations to the SCO and its member states requires a comprehensive approach that goes beyond military and intelligence-sharing measures. This includes addressing the root causes of terrorism and extremism, such as poverty, inequality, political disenfranchisement, and ideological radicalization. Furthermore, enhancing regional cooperation, improving governance, and promoting sustainable development are also key to undermining the appeal and reach of terrorist organizations in the region.




The Elevating Role of SCO: Opportunities and Challenges for Pakistan

Introduction

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has become a strategically important organization in the ever-changing world of international relations. The SCO’s activities have gained considerable attention as the organization has advanced significantly and is now a crucial component of the contemporary international political and economic world order. The SCO is demonstrating global aspirations by increasing the number of its members and attempting to exert its influence in regional and global issues. When the SCO was first established in 2001, its members were China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Its reach has grown significantly over time, and it currently counts Pakistan, Iran, and India as full members. Afghanistan, Belarus, and Mongolia are also observers, and Armenia, Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Turkey are “Dialogue Partners.” The SCO has expanded significantly with the membership of Saudi Arabia and the signing of memorandums with Qatar and Egypt.

Significance of SCO

Collectively, SCO countries cover a sizable portion of Asia, account for almost 30% of the world economy, and 40% of the population of the globe. The SCO has a large membership, which highlights its potential as a strong regional organization and a stabilizing force in the Eurasian continent. The goals of SCO are to advance collaboration, strengthen member state ties, maintain security and stability in the region, and push for a “new, democratic, just, and rational political and economic international order.” Promoting trade and economic cooperation is one of the organization’s main objectives. The primary cause of SCO’s importance in the region is the wealth of its resources. About half of the world’s known uranium deposits, 25% of the world’s oil reserves, more than 50% of the world’s gas reserves, and 35% of the world’s coal reserves are found in the current SCO member states. The region is also highly capable in production of food and technological advancements.

Pakistan and SCO: Opportunities and Challenges

Pakistan joined the SCO in June 2017, before that it benefited from the position of SCO Observer State from 2005 to 2017. Pakistan has had a long-standing relationship with SCO member states due to shared historical, cultural, civilizational, and geographical ties. Pakistan’s active engagement in SCO indicates its strong interest in regional peace, stability, and socioeconomic development.

Economic Cooperation and Connectivity

The SCO provides a venue for Pakistan to strengthen its regional economic linkages and cooperation in critical areas such as trade, investment, energy, innovation, transportation and connectivity. SCO is a key venue for moving Eurasian connectivity forward. Pakistan is location at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East makes it an excellent commerce route. Pakistan can benefit greatly from the SCO in terms of economic development as it will help the country to enhance its trade with member states of the SCO, especially the resource-rich Central Asian countries. With its strategic location, the Gwadar Port has the potential to serve as an essential trade route for these nations, promoting trade and stimulating economic growth in the region. Pakistan is an essential hub between the Eurasian region, the Middle East, South Asia, and the Arabian Sea. The governments of the landlocked Central Asian countries have shown a strong interest to utilize Pakistan’s ports of Gwadar and Karachi for connectivity and trade as part of the CPEC. Besides that, Pakistan can profit from the oil and gas resources in Central Asia, which could eventually help the country meet its own energy needs.

Security Cooperation

In terms of security, Pakistan can benefit from the SCO by collaborating on counterterrorism initiatives with other member states through the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of the organization. Counter Terrorism Military Exercises (CTMEs) are an essential component of the RATS. Pakistan organized a CMTE in 2021, and has attended all CTMEs hosted by SCO countries except the one hosted by India in 2022. Pakistan can share its experiences regarding counterterrorism and intelligence-based operations with the SCO. In exchange, it can gain advantage from cutting-edge intelligence and surveillance technologies of Russia and China.

Pakistan’s Role in SCO

Pakistan has actively participated in the SCO by hosting key events like the Joint Anti-Terrorism Exercise (JATE) in 2021 and the conference on “Transport Connectivity for Regional Prosperity” in November 2023 and “Leveraging Digital Technologies to Enhance Social Safety Nets in SCO Member States” in December 2023. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Pakistan has scheduled two high-level meetings for 2024 and other meetings under the mandate of SCO Council of Heads of Government. Additionally, in 2025 and 2026, Pakistan will serve as the head of the SCO Council of Regional Antiterrorism Structure (CRATS). Pakistan will assume the rotational Chair of SCO Council of Heads of State (CHS) and SCO Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM) in 2026-2027.

Afghanistan and India

Following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, Pakistan has seen an increase in armed attacks. The instability in Afghanistan has led to an increase in violent extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, causing significant challenges, economic harm and widespread human suffering. The Afghan issue has always been high on the organization’s agenda because the national interests and security of member states are linked to the situation in Afghanistan. Thus, SCO is an excellent platform for Pakistan and other member countries to achieve stability in Afghanistan. This is because all countries agree on the importance of a political and diplomatic solution to the problem. Working together through the SCO, these countries can not only assist Afghanistan in achieving stability, but also benefit from a more secure and stable region.

Another challenge for Pakistanis is to handle its complicated relationship with another SCO member i.e. India. Their long-standing antagonism over issues such as Kashmir may impede cooperation inside the organization and cause tension. Both countries need to find ways in order to deal with these issues and focus on areas of shared interest within the SCO framework. In conclusion, the SCO presents Pakistan with an opportunity to deepen its regional integration and foster stronger relationships with other regional countries. By overcoming challenges and seizing opportunities, Pakistan can leverage this platform to enhance economic growth, security cooperation, and overall regional standing.




Climate Crisis: Impacts of Irregular Monsoon in Pakistan

Introduction

Pakistan, which is ranked as the fifth most vulnerable country to climate change on the Global Climate Risk Index, has numerous pressing environmental problems that have an impact on both its people and economy. Despite producing only 1% of global carbon emissions, Pakistan bears a disproportionate burden of climate change’s wrath. The monsoon, which is critical for the Pakistan’s agricultural and water security, is growing more irregular. Rising temperatures are affecting weather patterns, resulting in unpredictable cycles of heavy rains, severe floods, and long periods of drought. This is resulting in low crops yield, communities’ displacement, and negative economic impacts. According to a United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) report published in November 2023, climate change has raised surface temperatures, which has had a significant impact on traditional weather patterns, particularly monsoon rainfall.

Pakistan Floods 2022 and 2023

The impact of the climate crisis in Pakistan was brutally demonstrated by the irregular monsoon of 2022. Pakistan experienced unusually heavy rainfall during the monsoon season, over three times higher than the past 30-year average. Millions of people were impacted by the enormous devastation because of severe flooding and landslides that Pakistan has seen as a result of the monsoon rains. This flooding, which has been described as one of the worst in decades, damaged approximately 78,000 square kilometers of farmland, affected over 33 million people (roughly 15% of the country’s population) in 90 districts and caused almost eight million to be displaced. As of November 18, 2022, the Pakistan National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) announced that the toll amounted to over 1,700 confirmed deaths and over 12,800 injured. Moreover, around one million houses destroyed as a result of the calamity, and the death of over a million animals adds to the serious and widespread effects of the disaster. According to the Government of Pakistan’s Finance Division’s damage assessment report, the damage and loss caused by floods in 2022 estimated to exceed US$14.9 billion, US$15.2 billion in GDP loss, and US$16.3 billion in total rehabilitation costs. The sectors that experienced the most damage of floods were housing ($5.6 billion), agriculture, food, livestock, and fisheries ($3.7 billion), and transportation and communications ($3.3 billion).

The recovery of 2022 floods was slow, and the country was struggling when the monsoon season of 2023 made matters worse. Balochistan and some districts of KP suffered the most destruction from flash floods and severe monsoon rains in July 2023. The disaster had left 283 people injured and 196 people dead in all of the provinces as of August 5, 2023. As a result of the floods, the World Food Program reported that out of 20.6 million individuals in need of humanitarian aid, 14.6 million needed emergency food assistance.

Food Insecurity

In Pakistan, a large portion of the population lacks consistent access to enough food that is both nutritious and sufficient, making food insecurity a serious problem. Pakistan’s food insecurity is largely caused by climate change. According to estimates, climate change will contribute to an 8–10% decline in agricultural productivity until 2040. The country is extremely vulnerable to risks related to climate change, and the country’s changing weather patterns have a negative impact on water availability, natural resources, and agricultural productivity. This is especially true for crops like rice and wheat, which will decline by 15–18% and 6%, respectively. According to the World Bank’s 2021 Climate Risk Country Profile, Pakistan’s yields in numerous essential food and cash crops, including cotton, wheat, sugarcane, maize, and rice, are expected to drop over the next decade.

Climate change has caused irregular monsoon in Pakistan, which has altered rainfall patterns and hampered crop growth, resulting in lower yields and crop failures. Inconsistent rainfall also makes it difficult for farmers to organize their agricultural activities, which reduces overall agricultural production. This has greatly damaged the overall economy, and the 40% of Pakistan’s total labor force that works in agriculture which will probably decline dramatically in coming years.

Conclusion

Pakistan is dealing with a serious climate change crisis. Even with a low carbon footprint, the country is being forced to adjust to a fast changing environment to which it has barely contributed. Developed countries should provide international climate finance to help Pakistan with climate related challenges. Furthermore, to lessen the risks, Pakistan government must build its national capabilities through environmental considerations and integrating climate change into national development plans and objectives. Developing early flood warning systems, managing crops, and upgrading water management systems for efficient storage and distribution are all important steps to take. Pakistan must immediately adjust its infrastructure and activities to the new realities of climate change in order to avert future consequences.




Catastrophic Flooding in Gwadar

The history of flooding in Gwadar, as for many coastal cities, intertwines closely with its geographical and climatic conditions. Gwadar, located on the southwestern coast of the Pakistani province of Balochistan, has experienced its share of natural challenges, including flooding, which has been exacerbated by its position along the Arabian Sea and its exposure to monsoon seasons. For much of its history, Gwadar was a small to medium-sized settlement with an economy largely based on artisanal fishing. The strategic value of its location was recognized in 1954 when it was identified as a suitable site for a deep-water port by the United States Geological Survey at the request of Pakistan. The construction on the first phase of Gwadar Port initiated in 2007 marks a significant point in its development history. However, until the launch of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015, Gwadar’s potential to be a major deep-water port remained largely untapped, partly due to various challenges including security concerns and lack of investment Flooding in Pakistan, including regions like Balochistan where Gwadar is situated, has been a recurring challenge, impacting vast areas and causing significant economic and human losses. The 2022 flooding event, for instance, affected most of Pakistan, including Balochistan and Sindh provinces, leading to at least 1,500 deaths and affecting 16 million children. The economic impact was profound, particularly in the agriculture sector, with crop damage in Sindh alone amounting to approximately Rs297 billion Gwadar’s exposure to natural calamities like flooding underscores the need for comprehensive planning and investment in infrastructure to mitigate these risks. This includes enhancing the city’s resilience through improved drainage systems, flood barriers, and early warning systems. Additionally, as a critical node in the CPEC initiative, ensuring Gwadar’s resilience to flooding and other natural disasters is vital for the economic stability and security of the region. The strategic importance of Gwadar in the broader context of CPEC cannot be overstated, with significant investments aimed at transforming it into a major deep-water port that links northern Pakistan and western China to the Arabian Sea.

1. Cyclones and Storm Surges: The Arabian Sea is prone to cyclones, particularly during the monsoon season from June to September. These cyclones can cause storm surges that lead to coastal flooding in Gwadar and surrounding areas.
2. Heavy Monsoon Rains: The monsoon season can bring heavy rains to the region, overwhelming the drainage systems and causing urban and flash floods.
3. Inadequate Drainage Systems: Gwadar’s rapid urbanization without proper planning for drainage infrastructure contributes to the flooding problem. The existing drainage systems are often inadequate to handle the runoff from heavy rains, leading to waterlogging and flooding in many areas.
4. Geographical Features: The topography of the area, including its coastal location and the surrounding hilly terrain, also contributes to the risk of flooding.

Relief Operations

In response to flooding, Pakistan’s national and provincial disaster management authorities, along with local government bodies, NGOs, and international organizations, have conducted relief operations in Gwadar. These operations typically include:

• Evacuation of residents from high-risk areas before or during the flooding.
• Provision of emergency shelters, food, clean water, and medical aid to the affected populations.
• Restoration of essential services such as electricity, water supply, and communication networks.
• Rehabilitation of damaged infrastructure, including roads, bridges, and drainage systems, to restore normalcy.

Gwadar recently faced significant flooding due to record-breaking rainfall, prompting the district administration to declare a state of emergency. This unusual weather pattern for the winter season was highlighted by the Chief Meteorologist, emphasizing that Gwadar received an unprecedented amount of rain during these months In response to the calamity, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif unveiled a comprehensive relief package during his visit to the affected areas. The package includes financial compensation for the affected families: Rs2 million for families who lost loved ones, Rs500,000 for the injured, Rs750,000 for residents whose homes have been completely demolished, and Rs350,000 for households with partially damaged properties. Additionally, 7,000 ration bags are being distributed daily among the displaced people. The Prime Minister also highlighted the government’s commitment to aiding the victims, emphasizing that the relief is a duty, not a favor. The relief efforts include the distribution of cheques and relief goods, such as food items, blankets, and water coolers, to the affected residents The Pakistan Navy has also played a crucial role in relief operations, deploying helicopters to deliver ration bags, clean drinking water, and food items to the flood-affected villages of Pishukan and Kappar. Navy personnel have been actively involved in distributing rations and relief goods in Gwadar city and other affected areas. They have also undertaken de-flooding operations in various localities to clear flood water These recent floods in Gwadar, exacerbated by record rainfall, have prompted significant relief and rehabilitation efforts from both the government and the military, highlighting the challenges and the responsive measures undertaken to mitigate the impact on the affected population.

Upgrade Drainage Infrastructure: Enhance the city’s drainage system to efficiently manage heavy rainfall. This includes expanding drainage capacity, clearing blockages regularly, and installing advanced water management systems.
Flood Barriers and Sea Walls: Construct flood barriers and sea walls along vulnerable coastal areas to protect against storm surges and high tides.
Flood-Resilient Urban Planning: Implement urban planning practices that take into account flood risks. This could involve zoning laws that restrict construction in flood-prone areas and promoting green spaces that absorb rainwater.
Early Warning Systems and Preparedness Plans: Develop and implement advanced early warning systems to alert residents of incoming floods. Establish comprehensive emergency response plans and conduct regular community drills.
Community Awareness and Education: Increase community awareness about flood risks and safety measures through education campaigns. Encourage participation in preparedness activities.
Ecosystem Restoration and Conservation: Restore and conserve mangroves and other natural barriers along the coast. These ecosystems act as natural defenses against floods and erosion.
Rainwater Harvesting and Storage: Promote rainwater harvesting and the construction of water storage facilities to reduce runoff and utilize rainwater for non-potable uses.
Resilient Infrastructure: Ensure that new infrastructure projects, including roads, bridges, and public buildings, are designed to withstand flood conditions.
Insurance and Financial Instruments: Encourage the uptake of insurance and other financial instruments that can help mitigate the financial impact of floods on businesses and households.
International Cooperation and Assistance: Seek technical and financial assistance from international organizations experienced in flood management and urban resilience.
Research and Data Collection: Conduct research and data collection on flood patterns, climate change impacts, and effective flood management strategies. Use this data to inform policy and planning.
Strengthen Governance and Coordination: Strengthen the coordination among national, provincial, and local governments in managing flood risks and responses. Ensure that there are clear roles, responsibilities, and accountability.
These recommendations require collaboration between government authorities, the private sector, non-governmental organizations, and the local communities to effectively reduce the risk and impact of flooding in Gwadar. Implementing these measures can also enhance the city’s resilience to future climate-related challenges.

Conclusion

The recurring flood events in Gwadar call for comprehensive planning and investment in infrastructure to mitigate these risks effectively. Recommendations for combating flooding in Gwadar encompass a broad spectrum of strategies, including upgrading drainage infrastructure, constructing flood barriers and sea walls, implementing flood-resilient urban planning, and establishing early warning systems. Moreover, community awareness, ecosystem restoration, rainwater harvesting, resilient infrastructure development, and strengthened governance and coordination are essential to enhancing the city’s resilience against flooding. Ensuring Gwadar’s preparedness and resilience is not only vital for its inhabitants but also crucial for the economic stability and security of the region, given its strategic role in CPEC. Thus, Gwadar’s journey from a quaint fishing town to a focal point of international trade under CPEC, juxtaposed with its vulnerability to flooding, highlights the pressing need for integrated and sustainable solutions. These measures are imperative for safeguarding the city’s developmental gains, protecting its communities, and securing its position as a linchpin in regional trade and economic growth.




Australia-ASEAN Summit and the South China Sea Dispute

Introduction

ASEAN-Australia Joint Maritime Cooperation

On the first day of the summit, Australia’s Foreign Minister Penny Wong announced funding of 64 million Australian dollars ($41.8 million) for maritime security and to strengthen Australia’s direct support for regional peace, stability, and capacity-building. In her speech to a forum on maritime cooperation, Wong said, “The countries of our region rely on oceans, seas, and rivers for livelihoods and commerce, including free and open sea lanes in the South China Sea.” According to Wong, “Australia is working closely with Southeast Asian partners to respond to shared maritime challenges and uphold international law.”

South China Sea is an enormous maritime region which is rich in resources and strategically significant for shipping. Despite competing claims from Malaysia, Vietnam, and the Philippines, China claims sovereignty over the entire of the South China Sea. In a joint statement, the leaders of Australia and ASEAN called for rules-based order in Indo-Pacific region, and to avoid unilateral actions that can endanger stability and peace in the region. In response, a spokesperson of China’s foreign ministry said that China’s stance on the disputed region is clear and consistent, and that the situation in the South China Sea is stable. In addition, “We will properly manage differences with the countries concerned and fully and effectively implement them with ASEAN countries.”

South China Sea Dispute: Philippines v/s China

The Philippines and China have a longstanding territorial dispute in the South China Sea. In recent months, the tensions between the two countries have risen significantly as both sides have accused of provocation and made harsh statements against each other. The Philippines has accused China of becoming more aggressive over the past year, claiming that Chinese fishing boats and Chinese Coast Guard (CCG) vessels have harassed and hindered Philippines ships on multiple occasions, especially when they were trying to resupply a small garrison located on Second Thomas Shoal, an important location in the Philippines’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Following a Chinese Coast Guard vessel’s attack with water cannons, a Philippines cargo ship suffered serious engine damage in December 2023, for that matter Philippines has lodged diplomatic protests with Beijing. But, according to the Chinese Coast Guard, the Philippine boat disregarded repeated warnings and intentionally collided with the Chinese vessel.

The exchanged accusations increased the possibility that an escalation might result in a major confrontation involving other regional actors, including the treaty ally of the Philippines, the United States. China accused the United States of using the Philippines as a pawn. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning stated, “China urges the United States not to use the Philippines as a pawn to stir up trouble in the South China Sea.” This situation will not only disrupt critical trade routes but will also have a disastrous impact on regional stability.

In a speech to the Australian Parliament, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. reaffirmed his nation’s stance on the South China Sea, in spite of growing strains with Beijing over competing claims. He said “I will not allow any attempt by any foreign power to take even one square inch of our sovereign territory.”

Conclusion

The summit between Australia and ASEAN showed a commitment to regional collaboration, which is essential for preserving peace and promoting economic growth. Within ASEAN, there is division over relations with China. While the Philippines and Singapore have had tense relations with China, Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar have close ties to Beijing. However, the involvement of the United States has made the situation in the South China Sea very complex by pursuing Indo-Pacific Strategy and strengthening its alliances and partnerships i.e. Five Eyes Alliance, Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and AUKUS. Australia’s adoption of the AUKUS and China’s economic sanctions caused a significant shift in the two countries’ relationship. In spite of this, the two nations took action last year to have bilateral talks, improve trade relations, and strike a balance between geopolitical and economic realities. China and the ASEAN nations, particularly the Philippines, should accelerate South China Sea negotiations process and work together to maintain peace and stability in the region. Furthermore, all stakeholders involved need to cooperate to resolve their differences peacefully through dialogue, in order to reduce the risk of miscalculation and prevent serious conflict.




Shell’s Nigeria

On February 23, 2024, the European Union released its 13th package of sanctions against Russia, which amended and expanded existing targeted and trade measures. The new sanctions package went into effect on February 24, 2024, which brought 27 more entities to the list of more than 600 that were facing EU restrictions over alleged financial support to Russia. The latest sanctions are intended to further restrict Russia’s access to military technologies and are directed towards the Russian military and defense sector. The new measures include adding new people and entities to the list of partner countries for the import restrictions on iron and steel, as well as imposing additional export restrictions on advanced technologies and goods that could help Russia increase its industrial capacity. To further counter the Russia-Ukraine confrontation, the United States has imposed sanctions on over 500 Russian-affiliated targets. According to US President Joe Biden, Washington has also taken steps to further cut down on Russia’s energy income and placed additional export restrictions on almost 100 organizations that have supported Russia.

 

Since commencing operations, Shell became a major player in Nigeria’s oil industry, which has been pivotal to the country’s economy but has also led to extensive environmental damage and social conflicts.

One of the major issues associated with Shell’s operations in Nigeria has been the environmental devastation due to oil spills and gas flaring. The Niger Delta, one of the world’s most important wetlands and marine ecosystems, has suffered from pollution that has impacted millions of people’s livelihoods, particularly those relying on farming and fishing. Gas flaring, a process where natural gas is burned off during oil extraction, has been a particular point of concern. It releases a significant amount of greenhouse gases and toxic substances, affecting local communities’ health and contributing to climate change. Despite legal actions and rulings against gas flaring, it has continued, highlighting challenges in enforcing regulations and implementing sustainable practices in the oil industry.

The Ogoni 9:

The Ogoni Nine were a group of nine activists from the Ogoni region of Nigeria who were executed by hanging in 1995 by the military dictatorship of General Sani Abacha. The group, which included Ken Saro-Wiwa, a prominent writer, environmental activist, and leader of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), were vocal critics of the environmental degradation of the Ogoni lands by multinational oil companies, particularly Shell. Their activism was aimed at securing environmental protection for their land, fairer distribution of oil wealth, and greater autonomy for the Ogoni people. The Nigerian government accused them of inciting the murder of four Ogoni chiefs at a pro-government meeting, charges widely regarded as fabricated to suppress dissent against oil exploration in the Niger Delta.

The trial of the Ogoni Nine was heavily criticized by international human rights organizations for its lack of fairness and transparency. Despite global condemnation and calls for clemency from leaders and organizations around the world, the Nigerian government proceeded with the executions, sparking international outrage and leading to Nigeria’s suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations.

The execution of the Ogoni Nine remains a poignant reminder of the struggles for environmental justice and human rights in the face of oppressive regimes and corporate greed. It highlighted the environmental and social costs of oil extraction in the Niger Delta and brought global attention to the plight of the Ogoni people and the broader environmental and human rights issues in Nigeria.

The Wikileaks report:

In 2010 WikiLeaks revelations about Shell’s operations in Nigeria exposed the deep level of influence and control the oil giant had over the Nigerian government. The documents revealed that Shell had inserted its employees into every key government ministry, giving it unprecedented access to sensitive information and decision-making processes related to the oil industry in Nigeria. This level of infiltration allowed Shell to shape policy and legislative outcomes in its favor, ensuring its dominance over Nigeria’s oil resources. Furthermore, the leaked cables highlighted discussions between Shell executives and US diplomats, revealing the company’s strategies for dealing with legislative changes, its views on competition from Chinese and Russian companies, and its internal security concerns regarding militant attacks on its facilities. The discussions also touched on Shell’s concerns about the political landscape in Nigeria, including the health of the then-President Yar’Adua and the company’s influence over the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).

The implications of these reports are significant, suggesting a complex web of relationships between multinational oil companies, the Nigerian government, and foreign governments. The extent of Shell’s penetration into the Nigerian government raises questions about sovereignty, the equitable distribution of oil revenues, and the broader impacts on Nigeria’s development and democracy. These revelations underscore the challenges faced by resource-rich countries in managing their assets in a way that benefits their populations, and they highlight the need for transparency, accountability, and genuine reform in both governance and the oil sector.

The Ogoni case:

The unveiling of the “Assessment of the Environment of Ogoniland” by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) on August 4, 2011, signified a pivotal moment in the environmental degradation saga of the Niger Delta. This report essentially serves as a critique of Shell’s operations in Nigeria, highlighting the company’s detrimental impact on the Ogoni land and its people, including the tragic executions of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni leaders on November 10, 1995, amid widespread environmental destruction and human rights violations. UNEP’s findings revealed consistent and extensive pollution in Ogoniland, with every water body contaminated with hydrocarbons. In some instances, groundwater that supplies local wells was discovered to have layers of oil up to 8cm thick.

Moreover, the presence of benzene, a carcinogen, was detected in drinking water at concentrations 900 times above World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines and in the air. Hydrocarbon levels were found to be 1,000 times higher than Nigerian standards for drinking water in several locations, indicating a life-long exposure of the Ogoni people to severe oil pollution, affecting soil up to depths of 5 meters in 49 surveyed sites.

The document further verified Shell’s non-compliance with the Environmental Guidelines and Standards for the Petroleum Industries in Nigeria (EGASPIN), alongside its failure to adhere to international best practices and even its own operational standards, underscoring a pattern of negligence. This report suggests a pressing need for Shell to face sanctions and have its operational license reconsidered due to its disregard for local environmental laws.

Dealing with Lawsuits:

Shell has faced multiple legal actions brought by Nigerian communities for oil spills and environmental damage in the Niger Delta. In a landmark verdict by a Dutch court, Shell Nigeria was held responsible for oil spills, and Royal Dutch Shell was found to have violated its duty of care. Shell agreed to pay 15 million euros to affected communities in Nigeria as part of a settlement over multiple oil pipeline leaks in the Niger Delta. This compensation was the outcome of a Dutch court case initiated by Friends of the Earth, where Shell’s Nigerian subsidiary SPDC was found responsible for the spills. This settlement aims to benefit communities impacted by oil spills that occurred between 2004 and 2007. Despite Shell’s stance that the spills were caused by sabotage, the court ordered Shell to pay damages and install leak detection systems in its pipelines to prevent future spills

Another case study highlights Shell’s strategy of denying responsibility for the actions of its Nigerian subsidiary, SPDC. In 2016, 40,000 Nigerians from the Ogale and Bille Communities sued Shell in UK courts for health harm and environmental damage due to oil spills. They argued that Royal Dutch Shell, the parent company, was responsible for the pollution caused by SPDC, claiming significant control over its Nigerian subsidiary. However, Shell contended it was not liable for its subsidiary’s actions, pushing for the cases to be resolved in Nigerian courts despite the lengthy judicial process there. The English Court of Appeal ultimately ruled in favor of Shell, finding the parent company not legally responsible for its Nigerian subsidiary’s actions. These cases underscore the complexities of holding multinational corporations accountable for environmental damages caused by their subsidiaries in other countries. They also highlight the evolving legal landscape regarding parent company liability for the actions of their subsidiaries.

In recent years, Shell has taken steps towards reducing its onshore presence in Nigeria due to operational challenges, including oil theft and sabotage. The company has expressed its intention to decrease its involvement in onshore oil production while maintaining its deep-water and integrated gas positions in the country. Shell’s recent activities include lifting force majeure on its Bonny export program, achieving significant milestones in deep-water exploration, and investing in renewable energy solutions for West Africa. Despite these efforts, Shell’s legacy in Nigeria remains contentious, with ongoing legal actions and demands for greater corporate accountability and environmental remediation




European Union’s 13th Package of Sanctions against Russia

Introduction

On February 23, 2024, the European Union released its 13th package of sanctions against Russia, which amended and expanded existing targeted and trade measures. The new sanctions package went into effect on February 24, 2024, which brought 27 more entities to the list of more than 600 that were facing EU restrictions over alleged financial support to Russia. The latest sanctions are intended to further restrict Russia’s access to military technologies and are directed towards the Russian military and defense sector. The new measures include adding new people and entities to the list of partner countries for the import restrictions on iron and steel, as well as imposing additional export restrictions on advanced technologies and goods that could help Russia increase its industrial capacity. To further counter the Russia-Ukraine confrontation, the United States has imposed sanctions on over 500 Russian-affiliated targets. According to US President Joe Biden, Washington has also taken steps to further cut down on Russia’s energy income and placed additional export restrictions on almost 100 organizations that have supported Russia.

Sanctions on Chinese and Indian Companies

The EU has adopted new sanctions against Russia, the first of which particularly targets Chinese and Indian enterprises suspected of assisting Moscow. The European Union released a comprehensive list including 17 new Russian entities and 10 non-Russian entities. There are allegations that foreign firms supplied dual-use equipment to Russia for use in its conflict against Ukraine led to the imposition of sanctions against them. The recently added non-Russian enterprises trade electronic components, and some of them have also been involved in violating trade prohibitions by bringing in products that are illegal in parallel to Russia and engaging in other similar actions. Non-Russian entities include one each in Kazakhstan, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Turkey, and Kazakhstan, as well as four in China. The designations stipulate that EU state authorities prohibit shipments of dual-use and sophisticated technology goods to the covered entities unless there are exceptional circumstances. Technology, satellites, and drones are examples of dual-use items that can be used for both military and civilian objectives.

The EU and its G7 allies are attempting to limit Russia’s use of third countries and transit routes to bypass current sanctions aimed at affecting Russia’s economy. The EU sanctioned Chinese and Indian companies for Russian links. Foreign countries are referred to as third countries under EU regulation. Brussels had abandoned plans to fine mainland Chinese enterprises due to lobbying by member states, particularly Germany, which were concerned about offending Beijing. Despite enormous Western trade sanctions, Russia’s persistent ability to produce vast quantities of drones, missiles, tanks, and other armaments has spurred G7 capitals to further increase its efforts and operations against these countries.

Russia’ Response

In response to the most recent round of sanctions imposed by the European Union, Russia’s foreign ministry announced on Friday that it has added a considerable number of officials and politicians to its list of banned individuals. The Russian foreign ministry said in a statement, “The European Union is continuing its fruitless attempts to put pressure on Russia through unilateral restrictive measures.” The statement added, “In response to these unfriendly actions, the Russian side has significantly expanded the list of representatives of European institutions and EU member states, who are prohibited from entering the territory of our state.” As per Russia, representatives of European institutions involved in the prosecution of Russian officials, law enforcement agency and commercial organization representatives who gave military assistance to Ukraine, and individuals who gathered evidence in favor of seizing Russian state property were among those on the stop list.

Conclusion

Despite sanctions and restrictions, in 2023 the Russian economy grew at a faster rate than that of the US and Europe, rising by 3.6% in spite of being isolated from important international markets and subject to a wide range of harsh economic sanctions. India and China both maintain cordial relations with Russia. China’s relationship with Russia has remained solid despite their caution about severing ties with the West. While maintaining strong ties with the West, India also retains considerable engagement with Russia, especially in the areas of energy and defense. The strategic and economic collaboration between China, Russia, and India is expected to continue. While the West wants to isolate Russia, these countries see prospects for increased trade and diplomatic cooperation driven by a combination of similar economic interests and geopolitical considerations.




Amidst Regional Turmoil, Iran Unveils New Air Defense Systems

Introduction

On February 17th, 2024, amidst simmering tensions in the Middle East, Iran unveiled two new missile systems during a ceremony attended by Defense Minister Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Ashtiani. This announcement comes at a critical time, marked by escalating conflicts in Yemen and the ongoing nuclear deal negotiations between Iran and world powers. While Iran maintains these advancements are solely for defensive purposes, the international community expresses concerns about their potential implications for regional stability.

New Air Defense Systems

The two new systems include the Arman, an anti-ballistic missile system, and the Azarakhsh, a low-altitude air defense system. According to Iranian officials, the Arman boasts the capability to simultaneously engage six targets at distances ranging from 120 to 180 kilometers. The Azarakhsh, on the other hand, can identify and destroy targets within a 50-kilometer radius and possesses four missiles that are ready to fire.

In addition, over the past ten years, Iran has imported aircraft and drone engine parts worth at least $236 million from Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Germany, the Ukraine, and the United States, despite international sanctions. Data from the Islamic Republic’s customs agency, examined by Iran International, indicates that in just eight months of the current Iranian year the import of goods valued at about $26 million were observed, which are prohibited by the US Treasury’s sanctions against Iran.

Iran’s Stance

Iran maintains that these advancements are solely intended to bolster its defensive capabilities and deter potential aggressors. They emphasize their right to develop their own defense systems and cite the ongoing threats they perceive from different actors. According to officials, Iran launched Fattah in June 2023, its first hypersonic ballistic missile produced domestically with a 1,400 km range. As per Iran, its ballistic missiles are a means of retaliation and deterrence against Israel, the United States, and other possible adversaries in the region. Additionally, Iran highlights its adherence to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and its commitment to peaceful nuclear activities. The 2015 nuclear agreement, from which the United States withdrew in 2018, limited Iran’s nuclear program and extended the time required for Tehran to build nuclear material for weapons.

International Concerns

Despite Iran’s assurances, the international community has raised concerns about the potential destabilization these new systems could bring to the already volatile region. International community is of opinion that such advancements could encourage Iran and escalate regional tensions. The United States and European Union have imposed sanctions on Iran. Despite the sanctions, Iran’s nuclear program is expanding. According to data released by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in November 2023, Iran has greatly increased the scope of its nuclear program since September 2023. The country has increased its stocks of enriched uranium to a number of levels, including those that are critical for the development of nuclear weapons. The international community is likely to closely monitor Iran’s development and deployment of these new systems which can lead to increased scrutiny and sanctions.

Geopolitical Context

The unveiling of these new air defense systems coincides with several critical developments in the region:

  • Iran’s announcement coincides with rising tensions in the Middle East as the Yemen-based group Houthi rebels continue to target ships in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. The United States has accused Iran of supporting Houthi rebels and its involvement in these attacks. But, Iran has dismissed US allegations that it is directly involved in Houthi rebel strikes against commercial ships in the Red Sea.
  • The ongoing negotiations between Iran and world powers to revive the 2015 nuclear deal remain stalled, with disagreements persisting on key issues like sanctions relief and uranium enrichment levels. This lack of progress further exacerbates tensions and contributes to an environment of uncertainty. Amidst stalled nuclear talks, this new development could complicate the already fragile diplomatic process. It could harden stances on both sides and make it difficult to reach a mutually agreeable solution.
  • Israel, which views Iran as its primary regional threat, has consistently expressed concerns about its nuclear program and missile development activities. The unveiling of these new systems is likely to further fuel Israeli anxieties and influence their strategic calculations.

Conclusion

The unveiling of new missile systems by Iran is a significant development. While Iran maintains its peaceful intentions, the international community expresses concerns about the potential for these advancements to destabilize the region and complicate ongoing diplomatic efforts. As the situation in the Middle East remains tense, it is crucial for all parties involved to engage in constructive dialogue and de-escalate tensions to prevent further conflict and ensure regional peace and stability.




Balancing Act of the U.S. Foreign Policy and Human Rights in the Israel-Palestine Conflict

On the 20th of February, a resolution advocating for a ceasefire, supported by Algeria, was submitted for voting to the United Nations Security Council. The resolution was voted upon, narrowing the voting down to 13 in Favor of the ceasefire, United Kingdom abstaining and the United States vetoing the resolution. This is the third time; the United States has vetoed a resolution on ceasefire between Israel and Palestine since the October 7th attacks. The allies of the United States have expressed regret over the United States decision to veto the ceasefire proposal. According to the US, this motion calls to “Jeopardize” the talks to end the war. According to Algeria, the UNSC has failed once again to take concrete action upon war crimes being committed by Israel

The United States is a champion of democracy and Human rights yet in the case of Israel, it shows its sympathy for Israel regardless of it’s killing of 18,000 Palestinians that include innocent children and women as well. Israel should be held accountable according to the international law, Specifically, the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols that contain explicit provisions for the protection of women and children. Firstly, The Fourth Geneva Convention and Additional Protocol I stipulate special care and respect must be given to children, who are to be protected against any form of indecent assault, and measures must be taken to ensure their education and care if they are orphaned or separated from their families. The recruitment of children under the age of 15 into armed forces or groups and their participation in hostilities is also prohibited. Secondly, Women are afforded general protection from violence, particularly against rape, enforced prostitution, or any form of indecent assault. Additional Protocol II, relating to non-international armed conflicts, specifically prohibits violence to the life, health, and physical or mental well-being of persons, in particular murder, mutilation, cruel treatment, and torture, and it explicitly mentions that outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment, rape, enforced prostitution, and any form of indecent assault are prohibited. Sadly, all the conditions mentioned above are fully met by Israel, while the Champion of democracy and Human rights remains non-committal to the cause it champions for.

While there is a certain shift in the attitude of the people of the United States, due to the election coming ahead the word Ceasefire has been used for the first time in a draft they have proposed to the UNSC ever since the October 7th attacks. A recent Gallup survey revealed that 45 percent of Americans were not in favour of Israel’s military operations in Gaza. The poll highlighted that opposition was particularly strong among Democrats (63 percent), people of colour (64 percent), and the younger demographic aged 18-34 (67 percent), all expressing disapproval of the conflict. Furthermore, only 32 percent of Americans expressed approval for how President Joe Biden managed the situation between Israel and Hamas. While 60% of the American population support a ceasefire in the conflict, only 11% of lawmakers in the Congress agree. The draft resolution in the UNSC drafted by the US calls for a “temporary ceasefire in Gaza as soon as practicable,”. In the defense of the United states, immediate ceasefire will be harmful for the negotiations that are taking place between the Israel and Hamas. Similarly, the United states has called for “phased release of hostages”.

The International arena has expressed it’s regret over this decision made by the United states. Moscow has claimed that it is a “license to kill” granted to Israel by the United states while China has claimed, “this will develop a more dangerous situation”. Additionally, the statement made by the former assistant secretary of state for political and military affairs, aims to assure Israel that weapons will be resupplied with weapons at burn rate. The US has pledged F-35 jets to the Israel air defense along with CH-53 heavy lift helicopters. The United States has previously pledged $38 billion to Israel in military aid for the period from 2019 to 2028. This agreement has been considered the largest such aid package in American history. It was signed in 2016 during the administration of President Barack Obama. It is intended to support Israel’s military needs and strengthen its security, emphasizing the enduring commitment of the United States to the security of Israel. An extra 14 billion dollars has been pledged by the Biden administration in 2023.

The question that arises is that why has the US shown such unwavering support in the case of Israel, but previously shown strong discontent in the case of Libya in 2011 or Iraq in 2003. There are a few factors that I would like to highlight:

  1. Common enemy: History has show that in the time of the holocaust, before even Israel was born, the jews and the US had a common enemy that were the Nazis of Germany. Another incident is from the cold war, the US and Israel had a common enemy once again, that was the Soviet Union’s communism. So historically, the US and Israel have been on the same side of history.
  2. Common Regional enemy: Iran is said to be a common enemy for the United states and Israel. Iran has claimed from time to time that the day it acquires nuclear weapons, it will destroy Israel. America is considered as a source of all evil by Iran. While, America thinks Iran is source of Islamic fundamentalism in the region.
  3. Strategic ally: Israel is strategic ally to the US in a volatile region. Israel’s willingness to share intelligence with US is viewed as an asset in mitigating regional threats such as Iran and protecting the Interests of the United states in the region.
  4. Sharing common democratic values: The United States view Israel as a “Lone democracy in a region characterized by authoritarian regimes”. They share common democratic values, freedom of speech, freedom of press that has led to a natural partnership between the two ally states.
  5. Protection of Interest: Many of the MNCs that run the US economy have their development centers located in Israel including IBM, Intel, Yahoo etc.
  6. Pre-emptive Measures: The United States has actively engaged in pre-empitive measures to deter any kind of threat it faces; a similar situation is seen in the case of Israel. The United states is pre-emptively providing military packages and latest ammunition in order to create fear among the Hamas. According to Israel, their bombing in Rafah is a mechanism of self-defense used in order to deter the possibility of any attacks made by the Hamas in the future.
  7. Pro-Israel Lobby: There is a lobby that exists it within congress known as AIPAC, the American Israel Public Affairs committee, that actively engages in efforts to propose bills that are in favor of Israel.

The recent veto by the United States against a ceasefire resolution in the Israel-Palestine conflict underscores the complexities of international diplomacy and U.S. foreign policy. This action highlights the balancing act between strategic alliances, democratic values, and the imperatives of international law. As public opinion within the U.S. shows signs of shifting, particularly in the context of upcoming elections, there is an emerging discourse on reconciling America’s global role with its commitment to human rights. This situation calls for a reflective examination of policy decisions to ensure they align with the ethical standards the U.S. seeks to champion on the world stage.